2025 (Jan.): NY Regents - US History and Government
By Sara Cowley
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Last updated 22 days ago
37 Questions
...It is Ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that there shall be yearly two General Assemblies or Courts, the one the second Thursday in April, the other the second Thursday in September following; the first shall be called the Court of Election, wherein shall be yearly chosen from time to time, so many Magistrates and other public Officers as shall be found requisite [needed]: Whereof one to be chosen Governor for the year ensuing and another be chosen, and no other Magistrate to be chosen for more than one year: provided always there be six chosen besides the Governor, which being chosen and sworn according to an Oath recorded for that purpose, shall have the power to administer justice according to the Laws here established, and for want thereof, according to the Rule of the Word of God; which choice shall be made by all that are admitted freemen and have taken the Oath of Fidelity, and do cohabit within this Jurisdiction having been admitted inhabitants by the major part of the Town wherein they live or the major part of such as shall be then present.
Source: Fundamental Orders of Connecticut, Section 1, January 14, 1639
Base your answers to questions 3 and 4 on the proclamation below and on your knowledge of social studies.
Whereas it appears that a state of war exists between Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Great Britain, and the United Netherlands, of the one part, and France on the other; and the duty and interest of the United States require, that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial toward the belligerent Powers; . . .
Source: President George Washington, Proclamation of Neutrality, April 22, 1793
Base your answers to questions 5 and 6 on the excerpt below and on your knowledge of social studies.
. . . The result is a conviction that the States have no power, by taxation or otherwise, to retard [slow down], impede, burden, or in any manner control, the operations of the constitutional laws enacted by Congress to carry into execution the powers vested in the general government. This is, we think, the unavoidable consequence of that supremacy which the constitution has declared. We are unanimously of opinion, that the law passed by the legislature of Maryland, imposing a tax on the Bank of the United States, is unconstitutional and void. . . .
Source: McCulloch v. Maryland, 1819
Base your answers to questions 7 and 8 on the letter below and on your knowledge of social studies.
. . . This treaty [Louisiana Purchase] must of course be laid before both houses, because both have important functions to exercise respecting it. They I presume will see their duty to their country in ratifying & paying for it, so as to secure a good which would otherwise probably be never again in their power. But I suppose they must then appeal to the nation for an additional article to the constitution, approving & confirming an act which the nation had not previously authorised. The constitution has made no provision for our holding foreign territory, still less for incorporating foreign nations into our union. . . .
Source: Thomas Jefferson, letter to John Breckinridge, August 12, 1803 (adapted)
Base your answers to questions 9 and 10 on the letter below and on your knowledge of social studies.
. . . As to the policy I “seem to be pursuing” as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt.I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored; the nearer the Union will be “the Union as it was.” If there be those who would not save the Union, unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored [African American] race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. . . .
Source: Letter from President Abraham Lincoln to Horace Greeley, August 22, 1862
Base your answers to questions 11 and 12 on the cartoon below and on your knowledge of social studies.
"HIT HARDER, THEODORE!"
Source: Charles Green Bush, August 7, 1902, Library of Congress (adapted)
Base your answers to questions 13 and 14 on the photograph and map below and on your knowledge of social studies.
Mulberry Street in New York City, c. 1900
Source: Library of Congress (adapted)
Distribution of Foreign-Born Whites in the United States, 1910
Source: Edward Alsworth Ross, The Old World in the New: The Significance of Past and Present Immigration to the American People, 1914 (adapted)
Base your answers to questions 15 and 16 on the message below and on your knowledge of social studies.
... As a people we have played a large part in the world, and we are bent upon making our future even larger than the past. In particular, the events of the last four years have definitely decided that, for woe or weal [poverty or prosperity], our place must be great among the nations. We may either fall greatly or succeed greatly; but we cannot avoid the endeavor from which either great failure or great success must come. Even if we would, we can not play a small part. If we should try, all that would follow would be that we should play a large part ignobly [dishonorably] and shamefully....
Source: President Theodore Roosevelt, Second Annual Message to Congress, December 2, 1902
Base your answers to questions 17 and 18 on the statement below and on your knowledge of social studies.
. . This social security measure gives at least some protection to thirty millions of our citizens who will reap direct benefits through unemployment compensation, through old-age pensions and through increased services for the protection of children and the prevention of ill health. . . .This law, too, represents a cornerstone in a structure which is being built but is by no means complete. It is a structure intended to lessen the force of possible future depressions. It will act as a protection to future Administrations against the necessity of going deeply into debt to furnish relief to the needy. The law will flatten out the peaks and valleys of deflation and of inflation. It is, in short, a law that will take care of human needs and at the same time provide the United States an economic structure of vastly greater soundness. . . .
Source: President Franklin D. Roosevelt, statement on signing the Social Security Act, August 14, 1935.
Base your answers to questions 19 and 20 on the document below and on your knowledge of social studies.
Base your answers to questions 21 and 22 on the statement below and on your knowledge of social studies.
In [South] Korea the Government forces, which were armed to prevent border raids and to preserve internal security, were attacked by invading forces from North Korea. The Security Council of the United Nations called upon the invading troops to cease hostilities and to withdraw to the 38th parallel. This they have not done, but on the contrary have pressed the attack. The Security Council called upon all members of the United Nations to render every assistance to the United Nations in the execution of this resolution. In these circumstances I have ordered United States air and sea forces to give the Korean Government troops cover and support.
The attack upon Korea makes it plain beyond all doubt that Communism has passed beyond the use of subversion to conquer independent nations and will now use armed invasion and war. It has defied the orders of the Security Council of the United Nations issued to preserve international peace and security. In these circumstances, the occupation of Formosa [Taiwan] by Communist forces would be a direct threat to the security of the Pacific area and to United States forces performing their lawful and necessary functions in that area. . . .
I know that all members of the United Nations will consider carefully the consequences of this latest aggression in Korea in defiance of the Charter of the United Nations. A return to the rule of force in international affairs would have far-reaching effects. The United States will continue to uphold the rule of law. . . .
Source: President Harry Truman, statement on the situation in Korea, June 27, 1950
Base your answer to question 23 on the excerpt from the speech below and on your knowledge of social studies.
Three years ago the Supreme Court of this nation rendered in simple, eloquent and unequivocal language a decision which will long be stenciled on the mental sheets of succeeding generations. For all men of good will, this May 17 decision came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of segregation. It came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of distinguished people throughout the world who had dared only to dream of freedom. It came as a legal and sociological deathblow to the old Plessy doctrine of “separate-but-equal.” It came as a reaffirmation of the good old American doctrine of freedom and equality for all people.Unfortunately, this noble and sublime decision has not gone without opposition. This opposition has often risen to ominous proportions. Many states have risen up in open defiance. The legislative halls of the South ring loud with such words as “interposition” and “nullification.” Methods of defiance range from crippling economic reprisals to the tragic reign of violence and terror. All of these forces have conjoined to make for massive resistance.But, even more, all types of conniving methods are still being used to prevent Negroes [African Americans] from becoming registered voters. The denial of this sacred right is a tragic betrayal of the highest mandates of our democratic traditions and it is democracy turned upside down. . . .
Source: Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., “Give Us the Ballot,” May 17, 1957
Base your answers to questions 24 and 25 on the headline below and on your knowledge of social studies.
Base your answer to question 26 on the message below and on your knowledge of social studies.
. . . Every device of which human ingenuity is capable has been used to deny this right. The Negro [African American] citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour is late, or the official in charge is absent. And if he persists, and if he manages to present himself to the registrar, he may be disqualified because he did not spell out his middle name or because he abbreviated a word on the application.And if he manages to fill out an application he is given a test. The registrar is the sole judge of whether he passes this test. He may be asked to recite the entire Constitution, or explain the most complex provisions of State law. And even a college degree cannot be used to prove that he can read and write. . . .
Source: President Lyndon B. Johnson, Special Message to Congress, "The American Promise"
Base your answers to questions 27 and 28 on the newspaper headlines below and on your knowledge of social studies.
Source: New York Times, December 20, 1998
Document 1
AMENDMENT XIV (1868)
Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
AMENDMENT XV (1870)
Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.
Source: 14th and 15th amendments, United States Constitution
Document 1
Thomas Whately served as Great Britain’s Secretary to the Treasury from 1763–1765 under Prime Minister George Grenville and was the primary author of the Stamp Act.
. . . The Revenue that may be raised by the Duties which have been already, or by these if they should be hereafter imposed, are all equally applied by Parliament, towards defraying [paying] the necessary Expenses of defending, protecting, and securing, the British Colonies and Plantations in America. . . . They have indeed their own civil Governments besides to support; but Great Britain has her civil Government too; she has also a large Peace Establishment to maintain; and the national Debt, tho’ so great a Part, and that the heaviest Part of it has been incurred [assumed] by a War undertaken for the Protection of the Colonies, lies solely still upon her. . . .
Source: Thomas Whately, The Regulations Lately Made Concerning the Colonies, and the Taxes Imposed Upon Them, Considered, January 1765 (adapted)
Document 1
During World War I, President Woodrow Wilson announced his 14 Points, which he hoped would be included in the Treaty of Versailles.
“I [Woodrow Wilson] can predict with absolute certainty that within another generation there will be another world war if the nations of the world do not concert the method [agree to a plan] by which to prevent it.”
Once Wilson knew that the U.S. would be unable to avoid entering the war, he worked to find a way to stop such a war from happening again. In January 1918 he announced the 14 Points, a set of principles designed to remove the causes of another great war. The 14 Points included an international organization to keep the peace, by providing a place where disputes could be discussed and mediated. The 14 Points inspired the peoples of the Allied Nations and gave them hope that another great war could be prevented. When Wilson traveled to Europe in late 1918 to attend the Paris Peace Conference, he was met by crowds numbering in the millions in Britain, France and Italy.
At the Peace Conference in 1919, Wilson moved the seat of the presidency to Paris for six months while he commanded the attention of the world. He was faced with the leaders of the Allied Nations determined to win as many concessions and as much territory as they could for their countries. Wilson argued and fought with them through June of 1919 to make as fair a treaty as possible under the circumstances. Wilson drew up terms of peace including his design for a League of Nations, a world body to settle future conflicts among nations.…
Source: “League of Nations,” The President Woodrow Wilson House (adapted)
Document 2
After discussing the proposed treaty provisions relating to the League of Nations with President Woodrow Wilson, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge gave an address to the United States Senate on February 28, 1919.
. . . Animated by the conviction that he would “follow no man and vote for no measures which, however well intended, seem in my best judgment to lead to dissensions [disagreements] rather than to harmony among the nations or to injury, peril, or injustice to my country,” and his insistence that the Senate, “which is charged with responsibility... should investigate every proposal with the utmost thoroughness,” Lodge’s address was a painstaking critique of the League’s constitution. He began with the impassioned argument that the document repudiated [contradicted] George Washington’s September 17, 1796, Farewell Address and the Monroe Doctrine, two sacred canons [principles] of American foreign policy. “I ask the press and the public and, of course, the Senate to consider well the gravity of this proposition,” Lodge pleaded, “before it takes the heavy responsibility of finally casting aside these policies which we have adhered to for a century and more and under which we have greatly served the cause of peace both at home and abroad.”
Turning to the specific provisions of the proposed draft, Lodge argued that the provision guaranteeing the independence and territorial integrity of all members was particularly troubling. He warned that, to insure that guarantee, the United States “must be in possession of fleets and armies capable of enforcing them at a moment’s notice.” . . .
Source: “Henry Cabot Lodge: Constitution of the League of Nations,” Classic Senate Speeches, U.S. Senate
Document 3
Again and again, my fellow citizens, mothers who lost their sons in France have come to me and, taking my hand, have shed tears upon it not only, but they have added, "God bless you, Mr. President!" Why, my fellow citizens, should they pray God to bless me? I advised the Congress of the United States to create the situation that led to the death of their sons. I ordered their sons oversea. . . . They believe, and they rightly believe, that their sons saved the liberty of the world. They believe that wrapped up with the liberty of the world is the continuous protection of that liberty by the concerted [united] powers of all civilized people. They believe that this sacrifice was made in order that other sons should not be called upon for a similar gift—the gift of life, the gift of all that died. . . .
You will say, "Is the League an absolute guaranty against war?" No; I do not know any absolute guaranty against the errors of human judgment or the violence of human passion, but . . . I ask you this: If it is not an absolute insurance against war, do you want no insurance at all? Do you want nothing? Do you want not only no probability that war will not recur, but the probability that it will recur? The arrangements of justice do not stand of themselves, my fellow citizens. The arrangements of this treaty are just, but they need the support of the combined power of the great nations of the world. . . .
Source: President Woodrow Wilson, The Pueblo Speech, September 25, 1919
Document 4
... Opposition in the Senate to the Covenant of the League of Nations, led by Republican Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, was directed in particular at Article X, which stated that members would “undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all Members of the League” and that “the Council shall advise upon the means.” Many Americans believed with Lodge that through the treaty the United States would be committed to an “entangling alliance” and that other nations could determine its foreign policy by obliging it to participate in action against aggressors.
Deciding that an appeal to the country would force the Senate into line for the necessary two-thirds vote, President Wilson traveled over 8,000 miles by train and spoke forty times in twenty-two days. He became ill, and was forced to abandon his appeal. Wilson never succeeded in mustering enough votes to have the treaty passed as he had originally proposed it. Yet his belief in the original proposal was so intense that he used his influence to keep his supporters from agreeing to the changes which could have brought passage. . . .
Source: Leonard F. James, American Foreign Policy, Scott, Foresman and Company, 1967
Document 5a
Source: New York Tribune, March 20, 1920
Document 5b
The Gap in the Bridge
Source: Leonard Raven-Hill, Punch (adapted)
Document 6
... In the end Wilson failed largely because the country had never really abandoned its isolationist predilections [preferences], particularly the assumption that the United States unaided could maintain its national security. During the war, these convictions were driven underground. It is astonishing that despite the tradition of isolation, despite Wilson's collapse, despite partisan bitterness and the animosity of ethnic groups, 85 per cent of the senators voting on November 19 were willing to accept the League in some form. Yet even if the country had entered the League, it is doubtful that Americans would have been willing to assume their full obligations. The United States had not been prepared by a threat to its own security for the kind of enterprise [action] it was later to undertake in Korea. It had insufficient incentive for abandoning either isolation or absolute national sovereignty. It would take the chastening experience of World War II, Hiroshima, and the Cold War to provide that incentive. ...
Source: William E. Leuchtenburg, The Perils of Prosperity: 1914–1932, The University of Chicago Press, 1993
Document 1
During World War I, President Woodrow Wilson announced his 14 Points, which he hoped would be included in the Treaty of Versailles.
“I [Woodrow Wilson] can predict with absolute certainty that within another generation there will be another world war if the nations of the world do not concert the method [agree to a plan] by which to prevent it.”
Once Wilson knew that the U.S. would be unable to avoid entering the war, he worked to find a way to stop such a war from happening again. In January 1918 he announced the 14 Points, a set of principles designed to remove the causes of another great war. The 14 Points included an international organization to keep the peace, by providing a place where disputes could be discussed and mediated. The 14 Points inspired the peoples of the Allied Nations and gave them hope that another great war could be prevented. When Wilson traveled to Europe in late 1918 to attend the Paris Peace Conference, he was met by crowds numbering in the millions in Britain, France and Italy.
At the Peace Conference in 1919, Wilson moved the seat of the presidency to Paris for six months while he commanded the attention of the world. He was faced with the leaders of the Allied Nations determined to win as many concessions and as much territory as they could for their countries. Wilson argued and fought with them through June of 1919 to make as fair a treaty as possible under the circumstances. Wilson drew up terms of peace including his design for a League of Nations, a world body to settle future conflicts among nations.…
Source: “League of Nations,” The President Woodrow Wilson House (adapted)
Document 2
After discussing the proposed treaty provisions relating to the League of Nations with President Woodrow Wilson, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge gave an address to the United States Senate on February 28, 1919.
. . . Animated by the conviction that he would “follow no man and vote for no measures which, however well intended, seem in my best judgment to lead to dissensions [disagreements] rather than to harmony among the nations or to injury, peril, or injustice to my country,” and his insistence that the Senate, “which is charged with responsibility... should investigate every proposal with the utmost thoroughness,” Lodge’s address was a painstaking critique of the League’s constitution. He began with the impassioned argument that the document repudiated [contradicted] George Washington’s September 17, 1796, Farewell Address and the Monroe Doctrine, two sacred canons [principles] of American foreign policy. “I ask the press and the public and, of course, the Senate to consider well the gravity of this proposition,” Lodge pleaded, “before it takes the heavy responsibility of finally casting aside these policies which we have adhered to for a century and more and under which we have greatly served the cause of peace both at home and abroad.”
Turning to the specific provisions of the proposed draft, Lodge argued that the provision guaranteeing the independence and territorial integrity of all members was particularly troubling. He warned that, to insure that guarantee, the United States “must be in possession of fleets and armies capable of enforcing them at a moment’s notice.” . . .
Source: “Henry Cabot Lodge: Constitution of the League of Nations,” Classic Senate Speeches, U.S. Senate
Document 3
Again and again, my fellow citizens, mothers who lost their sons in France have come to me and, taking my hand, have shed tears upon it not only, but they have added, "God bless you, Mr. President!" Why, my fellow citizens, should they pray God to bless me? I advised the Congress of the United States to create the situation that led to the death of their sons. I ordered their sons oversea. . . . They believe, and they rightly believe, that their sons saved the liberty of the world. They believe that wrapped up with the liberty of the world is the continuous protection of that liberty by the concerted [united] powers of all civilized people. They believe that this sacrifice was made in order that other sons should not be called upon for a similar gift—the gift of life, the gift of all that died. . . .
You will say, "Is the League an absolute guaranty against war?" No; I do not know any absolute guaranty against the errors of human judgment or the violence of human passion, but . . . I ask you this: If it is not an absolute insurance against war, do you want no insurance at all? Do you want nothing? Do you want not only no probability that war will not recur, but the probability that it will recur? The arrangements of justice do not stand of themselves, my fellow citizens. The arrangements of this treaty are just, but they need the support of the combined power of the great nations of the world. . . .
Source: President Woodrow Wilson, The Pueblo Speech, September 25, 1919
Document 4
... Opposition in the Senate to the Covenant of the League of Nations, led by Republican Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, was directed in particular at Article X, which stated that members would “undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all Members of the League” and that “the Council shall advise upon the means.” Many Americans believed with Lodge that through the treaty the United States would be committed to an “entangling alliance” and that other nations could determine its foreign policy by obliging it to participate in action against aggressors.
Deciding that an appeal to the country would force the Senate into line for the necessary two-thirds vote, President Wilson traveled over 8,000 miles by train and spoke forty times in twenty-two days. He became ill, and was forced to abandon his appeal. Wilson never succeeded in mustering enough votes to have the treaty passed as he had originally proposed it. Yet his belief in the original proposal was so intense that he used his influence to keep his supporters from agreeing to the changes which could have brought passage. . . .
Source: Leonard F. James, American Foreign Policy, Scott, Foresman and Company, 1967
Document 5a
Source: New York Tribune, March 20, 1920
Document 5b
The Gap in the Bridge
Source: Leonard Raven-Hill, Punch (adapted)
Document 6
... In the end Wilson failed largely because the country had never really abandoned its isolationist predilections [preferences], particularly the assumption that the United States unaided could maintain its national security. During the war, these convictions were driven underground. It is astonishing that despite the tradition of isolation, despite Wilson's collapse, despite partisan bitterness and the animosity of ethnic groups, 85 per cent of the senators voting on November 19 were willing to accept the League in some form. Yet even if the country had entered the League, it is doubtful that Americans would have been willing to assume their full obligations. The United States had not been prepared by a threat to its own security for the kind of enterprise [action] it was later to undertake in Korea. It had insufficient incentive for abandoning either isolation or absolute national sovereignty. It would take the chastening experience of World War II, Hiroshima, and the Cold War to provide that incentive. ...
Source: William E. Leuchtenburg, The Perils of Prosperity: 1914–1932, The University of Chicago Press, 1993